Now you can call me old fashioned if you want but I think if you haven't registered until after you died you shouldn't be allowed to vote....Voter rolls stuffed with dead and absent registrants
Posted: Oct 27, 2008 10:06 PM
By Bert Case
JACKSON, MS (WLBT) - Mississippi's voter situation is hard to believe. Places like Madison County have over 123% more registered voters than people over the age of 18.
Sue Sautermeister, First District Election Commissioner in Madison County, tried to purge the rolls, but ran into trouble when it was discovered it takes a vote of three of the five election commissioners and the purge cannot take place within 90 days of a federal election.
Secretary of State Delbert Hosemann is the first to admit the situation with voter registration in this state is terrible.
\"It is terrible,\" he says. \"Combined with the fact that we don't have voter ID in Mississippi, anybody can show up at any poll that happens to know the people who have left town or died -- and go vote for them.\"
\"Whenever we have a third party determined by payment, for example, as they did in Benton County -- 'walking-around' money -- and they determine what that vote is going to be, they've taken your vote, whether they may have voted like you would have or not, they've still thwarted the process and they've still have taken your vote away from you,\" added Hosemann.
Sue Sautermeister is working hard in the First District of Madison County to start a purging of the voter rolls as soon after the election as possible. She has file drawers full of names of people who haven't voted in years and are known to be dead.
\"We have people who registered in 1965 who have never voted,\" she says. \"We have 486 people (registered who are) over 105.\"
Hosemann says 190,000 new voters have registered for this election and he believes the turnout will be historic.
Bring out your dead!.....Bring out your dead!
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Bring out your dead!.....Bring out your dead!
Some of you asked how is it possible to have fraudulent votes cast. It's easy I tell you!
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Re:
I don't have a clue as to which party the dead are voting for in the article I posted and don't really care, either way it shouldn't be possible.Foil wrote:It's amusing to see people always assume it's the other party committing more fraud than their own.
This year it's the Republicans shouting the loudest, four years ago it was the Democrats. Meh.
What I do know is in this day and age it isn't a necessary evil, we have the technology to reduce it to almost zero. I also know the party that always wants to block the inclusion of picture ID regulations and other measures is the democrat party...you do the math.
The Heritage Foundation has a pdf report on voter fraud that you can get a \"free\" download of (well, they make you sign up for their \"Morning Call\" daily email newsletter first by giving your name and email address)
http://electionfraud.theheritagefoundry.org/
Here's a taste of it
http://electionfraud.theheritagefoundry.org/
Here's a taste of it
Stolen Identities, Stolen Votes:
A Case Study in Voter Impersonation
On January 9, 2008, the Supreme Court of the United States heard oral arguments in Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, a case challenging the constitutionality of an Indiana law that requires most individuals who vote in person to present a government-issued photo identification.1 Indiana’s law was upheld by a federal district court2 and by the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals.3
Critics contend that such laws are unnecessary because “impersonation fraud” at the polling place simply does not exist. It is true that direct evidence of such fraud is hard to come by, but this is for a simple reason: Election officials cannot discover an impersonation if they are denied the very tool needed to detect it—an identification
requirement. The Seventh Circuit noted “the extreme difficulty of apprehending a voter impersonator”
unless the impersonator and the voter being impersonated (if living) arrive at the polls at the same time, which is a very unlikely occurrence.
Ignoring this point, the editorial page of The New York Times, among others, asserts that “n-person voter fraud is extremely rare.”4 To support this claim, The Times cites the attorney for the petitioners in the Indiana case, Paul M. Smith, who told the Justices that “[n]o one has been punished for this kind of fraud in living memory in this country.”5 The New York Times’s position is ironic, since the best-documented case of widespread and continuing voter identity or impersonation fraud comes out of the newspaper’s own City of New York.
A 14-Year Vote-Fraud Conspiracy
A striking example of identity fraud at polling places, well within living memory, is described in a grand jury report publicly released in 1984 by the Kings County District Attorney and former Democratic Congresswoman Elizabeth Holtzman.6 Had it checked its own archives, The New York Times would have found a story from 1984, “Boss Tweed Is Gone, But Not His Vote,” that detailed the findings of the grand jury.7 As that article reported, the grand jury report “disclosed that cemetery voting and other forms of stuffing the ballot box were not buried with Tammany Hall.”8
The grand jury report revealed extensive voter registration and voter impersonation fraud in primary elections in Brooklyn between 1968 and 1982 that affected races for the U.S. Congress and the New York State Senate and Assembly. According to Holtzman, “[t]he grand jury investigation has uncovered a systematic attack on the integrity
of elections in Brooklyn.” Holtzman warned that unless there were immediate changes in procedures, there was “a danger that serious fraud could occur in connection with the upcoming election.”9
This 14-year conspiracy was detailed by witnesses who participated in the fraud and were able to describe in great detail how it was accomplished. The grand jury found evidence of fraudulent and illegal practices in “two primary elections for Congress held in 1976 and 1982, four primary elections for the Assembly in three different assembly districts, three primary elections for the State Senate in one senatorial district and two elections for state committee in two different districts.”10 For 14 years, the conspirators engaged in practices that included:
the forgery of voter registration cards with the names of fictitious persons, the filing of these cards with the Board of Elections, [and] the recruitment of people to cast multiple votes on behalf of specified candidates using these forged cards or the cards of deceased and other persons.11
The grand jury explained that “the ease and boldness with which these fraudulent schemes were carried out shows the vulnerability of our entire electoral process to unscrupulous and fraudulent manipulation.”12
The Tools of Vote Fraud
One of the key factors in the success of this scheme was the “advent of mail-in registration [in New York] in 1976 [which] made the creation of bogus registration cards even easier and less subject to detection.”13 Congress mandated the same type of New York–style mail-in registration nationwide in 1993 with the passage of the National Voter Registration Act, thus ensuring that the security problems caused by unsupervised mail-in registration in New York were spread nationwide. In fact, according to the grand jury, “mail-in registration has become the principal means of perpetrating election fraud” in New York.14
Another change in the law that increased fraud was the new practice that allowed any organization to obtain bulk quantities of voter registration forms from the Board of Elections that “contain no identifying serial number at the time they are given out.”15 The conspirators obtained blank voter registration cards and then filled them out with fictitious first names and real last names taken from party enrollment books within the targeted voting precinct:
For example, if a John Brown actually lived at 1 Park Place, Brooklyn, New York, the application would be completed in the name of Mary Brown, 1 Park Place, Brooklyn, New York. It was anticipated that when the mail for the fictitious Mary Brown was delivered to John Brown at his address, John Brown would discard the notice rather than return it to the post office. This plan reduced the likelihood that the voter registration notice card would be returned to the Board of Elections, thereby minimizing the possibility that the fraud would be detected.16